Aliados

¡Hola!

If you'll be in Los Angeles, be sure to join Aliados con Amnesty at Avenue 50 Studio in Highland Park for the much anticipated art exhibition in honor of women. Nearly 100 artists will be participating in the exhibition, which hopes to create awareness of Amnesty International USA's Stop Violence Against Women campaign.

Opening Reception: International Women's Day - Saturday, March 8 at 7:00 pm

Aliados & Artist Discussion: Thursday, March 13 at 7:00 pm

Exhibition Dates: March 8 - April 6, 2008

Please attend in support the women of Ciudad Juárez & Guatemala, and "artivism", the idea of art as activism.

Complete list of artists:

Abel Alejandre, Alberto Varela, Amparo Ochoa, Ana Flores, Ana Juez Asenjo, Ana Y Ajtun, Andres Montoya, Ashley McLean Emenegger, Baby Smith, Carlos Fresquez, Carlos Ruvalcaba, Carmen M. Diaz, Carol Klaassen, Carolien van der Gaag, Cesar Conde, Chick Curtis, Chris Granillo, Cristina Chanteloup, Dalibor Polivka, David Taveras, Deborah Krall, Edward Walton Wilcox, Elizabeth Medrano, Ester A. Petschar, Eugenia Reyes, Eve Chang, Fana Babadayo, Fernanda Yeste Gómez, Guillermo Bejarano, Heather Scholl, Irene Mala, Jacqueline Dreager, Jaime Coffey Bateman, Jing Zhou, John Paul Thornton, John Tapia Urquiza, Jose Lozano, Judith Duran, Juliane Backmann, Karen Ter-Sarkisian, Karen Winters, Kathleen McGuinness, Laila Espinoza, Lea Wells, Lili Bernard, Linda Vallejo, Lyn Southworth, Magda Bowen, Manolo Jurdao, Marco Mejia, Maria Brunner Ventura, Marie Fouche, Marilyn La Grone-Amaral, Mark Vallen, Mary Agnes Rodriguez, Mary Jacobson, Matt deHaven, Mayra Jimenez, Mehri Fatemeh Dadgar, Melanie Stimmell, Michele Castagnetti, Miguel Murillo, Ming Yi Chou, Mita Cuaron, Monica Valencia, Nancy Caldera, Pablo Damas, Pablo F. Pujol, Paco Conti, Patricia Krebs, Paula Baqueiro, Phyllis Ginter, Rafael M. Prada, Rebecca Lowry, Rinat Etshak, Rocío Arregui Pradas, Ronald Castillo, Ronald J. Llanos, Sam Saghatelyan, Sheila Baird, Sophia Louisa Lee, Steven Fujimoto, Steven J. Brooks, Sugey Salazar, Sunil Gangadharan, Suzanne Siegel, Tania America Garcia, Teresa Lafita, Tom Ford, Toti O'Brien, Uwi Moore, Vildan Isik, Xavier Montes, Yasmin A. Sayyed, Zuno.

Image: Untitled by Baby Smith

It has been remarkable to sit in on the trial during the last few weeks and listen to the members of the Colina Group death squad--many of whom have already been sentenced under plea bargains struck in a separate case--detail how they carried out their mission to "detect, locate, capture, destroy and/or eliminate subversives" under the Fujimori regime. In other Latin American countries that also suffered through brutish internal conflicts, deaths squads  continue to be cloaked in secrecy, even decades after the conflict has ended. Unfortunately, the same impunity that allowed them to operate freely during times of conflict continues to protect them now, most likely to keep them from implicating the State in their crimes.

No country exemplifies this more than Guatemala, where even the country's UN-sponsored truth commission was restricted from publishing the names of those responsible for some of the worst atrocities in the Western Hemisphere during modern times. After hearing the Colina Group describe their crimes to the court, to the nation and, perhaps most importantly, to the families of the victims, Guatemala's restricted truth seems all the more appalling.

In what follows, I have translated the words of the perpetrators as they separately reconstructed the events surrounding the notorious Barrios Altos Massacre in which 15 people, including an 8-year old child, were killed as they celebrated a neighborhood cookout at 840 Huanta Street in the Barrios Altos section of Lima:

"For Barrios Altos, we trained for raiding buildings and shooting to kill at La Tiza Beach. In order to practice for raiding the apartment [where the cookout would be held], we had some people pretend like they were dancing while others acted like they were drunk. One by one, we would order them all to get down on the floor, and Abadía [the military informant who had supposedly infiltrated the Shining Path] would say to us: this one, this one, and this one are with Shining Path. And we would take them out of the room.

"The assault team was chosen at La Tiza Beach, 10 or 12 agentes, including Martin Rivas [Colina's Chief of Operations]. The agents who were chosen for containment and security left earlier. And they gave me the mission of controlling the attendees of the cookout. We left from La Tiza Beach in two trucks. When we entered into the building on Huanta Street, nobody would listen to me because of all the noise and some people had been drinking."-- Héctor Gamarra Mamani

"Abadía was in the cookout . . . . I saw that it was getting hot, so I got into the vehicle with Martin Rivas and Carlos Pichilingue [Colina's Administrative Chief]. [The other agents] continued waiting in two Cherokee trucks. Abadía went back into the cookout and then returned. Martin Rivas was waiting, he received a call on his cell phone, and then he says 'green light'. And we went in . . . .

"We entered the building and at the door was this little boy who asked us who we were. We told him we were the orchestra. The kid then went in behind us."--Pedro Supo Sánchez

"The order was given to go in and we all got out of the trucks. In the alleyway, I put on my ski-mask and grabbed my gun. I went in through the left-hand side and we fell into an "L" formation in the room so that we could control everyone.

"In that moment one of us turned up the radio and suddenly I heard a shot and Major Martin [Rivas] says 'Fire!' And everyone started to shoot. We all shot. We were there 4 or 5 minutes. We left and we returned to La Tiza Beach . . . . We didn't know that we were going to eliminate people. I felt kind of disillusioned, but I had to comply with orders. In the Army, orders are complied with. I complied with the orders."--Fernando Lecca Esquen

"So all the agents had already left, but Wilmer Yalenqué [Sub-Group Leader] was taking a long time, and I entered to see what was happening. I found him shooting the victims over again and, at that moment, he killed the little boy when he tried to protect his father. Upon arriving back at La Tiza Beach, I had strong words with Yarlequé. I asked why he killed the boy . . . . The response that he gave me was that the kid would grow up and would want to take revenge.

"Who gave the order to kill? If the order had not been followed, heads would have rolled for Martin Rivas' mistake at Barrios Altos. But since they didn't do anything, it had to have been approved by Rivero Lazo [Director of Military Intelligence], General Hermoza Ríos [General Commander of the Army], and him, the accused [Fujimori]."--Julio Chuqui Aguirre

"I found out that they had killed people when we got back to La Tiza Beach. The youngest members were horrified. Haydée Terrazas [one of Colina's female members] was crying. The older members were toasting each other with their beers and told us we would get accustomed to it. I told Pedro Supo that that wasn't our job. Martin found out about it and he kicked me out of the detachment."--Isaac Paquiyauri

"[That night] Martin Rivas threatened the younger agents who might try to leave the detachment. He told them, 'No one leaves here alive.'--Pedro Supo

Martin Rivas is scheduled to testify before the Court on Monday, February 25th. Check "Fujimori Facing Justice" to see how he responds to the accusations made by his fellow Colina agents.

(Quotes were translated from an article published in the Peruvian newspaper, La República, from Sunday, February 17, 2008)

 --Hayden Gore

¡Haz la diferencia este verano al frente del movimiento de derechos humanos! La Pasantía de verano Reebok para los Derechos Humanos  ofrece a estudiantes la oportunidad única de obtener experiencia en el área de derechos humanos. Amnistía International E.E.U.U. (AIUSA) está contratando estudiantes entre 18 y 25 años de edad para trabajar con organizaciones que promueven los derechos humanos en los Estados Unidos y en el extranjero durante el verano del 2008. Los pasantes recibirán un máximo de $2,500 para transporte aéreo y otros gastos durante la pasantía. Las solicitudes ya están disponibles en nuestra página web  y deberán ser recibidas a más tardar el 4 de Marzo del 2008.

Para más información y para completar una aplicación visite nuestra página web: www.amnestyusa.org/reebok/spanish

Over the past few weeks, the members of the Colina Group death squad have testified in the Fujimori trial. As the material authors of the crimes for which Fujimori stands accused, their testimony has been important in establishing that they carried out acts of political violence (massacres, extrajudicial killings, and forced disappearances) in a systematic way and with a level of organization that could have only existed with approval from the highest levels of government. In order to convict Fujimori, the prosecutors must demonstrate that the Colina Group acted with the president's imprimatur--that he either ordered its creation, approved of its actions, or, at the very least, knew of its existence as Commander in Cheif of the Peruvian military.

In their testimony, Jorge Ortíz Mantas, Pablo Atuncar Cama, and Hector Gamarra Martín stated that they believed their actions were approved from the highest levels and explicitly confirmed that their mission was to "detect, locate, capture, destroy and/or eliminate subversives." Additionally, they provided important details about the impressive level of institutional support the Colina Group received as a special detachment under military intelligence. According to their testimony:

*Colina members received an additional 150 soles a month in salary to pay for communication and transportation costs, an HK military rifle with a silencer, and munitions (including explosives) to carry out their operations.

*The military assigned the detachment trucks and motorcycles, which were registered under the name of the Ministry of Defense.

*The detachment took control of La Tiza Beach as a training site from an existing military base. There, they practiced raiding buildings, capturing subversives, and shooting to kill (according to the witnesses they were instructed to "shoot at the head or the heart").

*The military established a bogus company called COPRANSA, which served as a facade for Colina's headquarters and hid a military communications system used to coordinate their movements.

*In both the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres, the former Colina agents reported that a military officer from outside the group accompanied the operation and helped to identify their eventual victims.

*Finally, each Colina member signed a fictitious letter of resignation from the military before becoming a member of the group. In the case that an agent's identity was discovered, the army could then claim that the agent no longer had a relationship with the military and had acted on his or her own accord.

Despite the ample evidence of coordination between the military and the Colina Group offered by the witnesses, the defense has insisted that Colina acted as a renegade paramilitary group outside of military control. Cesar Nakasaki, Fujimori's defense attorney, has repeatedly demanded that the witnesses provide proof of their claims, particularly that the Colina Group acted under the orders of Fujimori or the military's high command. Due to their low rank, none of them has been able to produce documents corroborating their testimony; rather, they have said that their extensive experience in the Peruvian military suggests to them that operations of Colina's nature could not have happened without express approval from the military's heirarchy, including Fujimori.

In defense of his client, Nakasaki has recently emphasized to the court that the military's operational manual does not provide for the military's General Command to approve the working plans of individual detachments. The argument seems absurd. Fujimori broke the constitutional order of the country, dissolving the Congress and the judiciary, with his infamous "self-coup" of April 5, 1992. Why then would he feel constrained by a military handbook?

--Hayden Gore

Alberto Fujimori faces charges for human rights violations as the intellectual author of the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres, which were carried out by the Colina death squad, a secret detachment of army intelligence officers organized under the direction of Vladimiro Montesinos, the head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) and Fujimori's right hand man.

The two massacres have become emblematic of political repression under the Fujimori regime, which used extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, and torture as tactics against a brutal Maoist insurgency, the Shining Path, that the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) estimated to have killed 31,000 people during the country's 20-year internal conflict. Extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, and torture are all proscribed under the international law of armed conflict and the international human rights regime, which guarantee the right to life, the right to due process, and freedom from torture even in times of national emergency.

The Peruvian internal conflict and the particular viciousness of the Shining Path, which believed that the "old order" had to be completely destroyed in order for communism to rise up Pheonix-like from its ashes, puts those humanitarian and human rights principles to the test. Not unlike Dick Cheney's recent defense of the use of torture on captured al-Qaeda operatives, Fujimori's supporters claim that the perverse brutality of the Shining Path necessitated his iron-fisted brand of authoritarianism in order to defeat the terrorist organization, end the crisis it had provoked, and return security and stability to the country. Accordingly, they argue that the systematic violation of hundreds or even thousands of people's fundamental human rights was necessary to defeat a terrorist organization that had killed tens of thousands of people; in other words, the ends (defeating the Shining Path) clearly justified the means (massive human rights violations). The history of the conflict and the surprising defeat of the Shining Path in 1992 suggests otherwise.

First of all, the Shining Path was not the egalitarian Latin American guerrilla movement of popular imagination. This was no quixotic band of ragtag revolutionaries fighting against all odds for the rights of the landless peasantry. Unequivocably, the Shining Path and their apocalyptic ideology represented a fanatical terrorist organization centered around the cult-like worship of its leader, Abimael Guzmán.

According to its own strategic plan, as articulated by the TRC's Final Report, the Shining Path never intended to defend its purported "base of support" among the rural poor. Rather, through its selective use of violence against government installations and local power structures, the organization hoped to induce a disproportionately violent response from the armed forces, therefore, provoking the sympathies of the masses and driving them into the Shining Path's ranks.

In resorting to repressive tactics, like those mentioned above, the State responded just the way the Shining Path expected them to. Essentially, the Peruvian Armed Forces, in which Fujimori and others before him had placed so much confidence, failed to recognize the importance of confronting the Shining Path on the ideological battlefield instead of acheiving an exclusively military victory on the physical one.

Second, the Shining Path disintegrated almost completely after the capture of Guzmán on September 12, 1992. As the following extract from the TRC's Final Report demonstrates, the "Capture of the Century" had much less to do with indiscriminate acts of political violence, like those in Barrios Altos and La Cantuta, and much more to do with the patient and meticulous collection of intelligence through good ol' traditional police work:

"The captures achieved by the different special intelligence groups under the Office Against Terrorism were the exclusive result of dedicated police work . . . .

In light of its investigations, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission considers that these achievements went against the approach elected by the Alberto Fujimori government . . . which had situated its principal base of power in the Armed Forces--or, more precisely, in its high command--and had opted, in its counterinsurgency policy, for a clearly military solution. President Fujimori had handed over absolute command of the conflict to the Joint Command of the Armed Forces, and the anti-subversion decrees he emitted subsequent to [his] coup d'etat had transferred a large part of police functions over to the Army. As a consequence, Guzmán's capture surprised the high levels of the government, who were completely unaware of the operation.

The capture of September 12, 1992 . . . signified the strategic defeat of the insurgency. But, at the same time, it angered the armed forces and the intelligence services, who were unwilling to forgive the audacity of the police for delivering the final blow [to the Shining Path] without consulting them and for having divulged the information on their own account. The Fujimori government even went to the extreme of disbanding the National Office Against Terrorism instead of offering it support to finish off the Shining Path completely . . ."

After the September 12th surprise, the Fujimori government disseminated an "official version" of Guzmán's capture, one the TRC calls "far from reality", which promoted the Armed Forces and the National Intelligence Service, under Montesino's direction, as its primary protaganists. Not surprisingly, this story was widely publicized during Fujimori's 1995 reelection campaign. Furthermore, despite Guzmán's capture and the Shining Path's subsequent decline, for the next 8 years Fujimori never reduced the number of provinces under states of emergency. He continued to use the specter of terrorism to perpetuate his grip on power and cover up the massive levels of political corruption that eventually forced him to flee the country and ignominously submit his resignation to Congress by fax from Japan.

-Hayden Gore

Fujimori Facing Justice

Hello, Aliados! Fujimori Facing Justice comes to you from Lima, Peru where I am attending the trial of ex-Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori as an international observer. If you are new to the case, it is the first time in Peru's history--and one of the few times in world history--that an ex-head of state has faced human rights charges related to crimes committed during his time in power. The fact that Fujimori stands trial in his own country, in front of a Peruvian tribunal, and under Peruvian law makes this case all the more impressive. Undoubtedly, it represents a significant step forward in restoring the rule of law to a country where only 16 years ago Fujimori had dissolved the Congress and the judiciary in a "self-coup" that granted him exclusive control of the State and its institutions.

Through this blog, I hope to connect you directly to this historic trial and, as much as possible, put you in the courtroom with me. Over the next few weeks, I will provide you with information about the cases for which Fujimori is charged, examine the political violence that he unleashed during the country's internal armed conflict, and, of course, keep you updated on all the latest developments as they happen in the Special Penal Court where Fujimori stands accused.

I hope that this blog will serve as a public forum in which we can discuss these important themes, and I invite you to share your comments, opinions, and questions with me and the other readers as we move forward. Additionally, if you would like to pass a message along to the family members of the victims who attend the trial and have fought tirelessly for justice in the deaths of their loved ones, I am happy to facilitate that exchange (questions are welcome, too). As Gisela Ortiz Perea indicates in the following quote, international solidarity through organizations like Amnesty International has provided her with great strength as she has sought justice for her brother, Enrique, who was disappeared in the notorious La Cantuta Massacre:

"Despite having lost my brother, I have encountered other brothers in the many people that feel the same way I do, the same sense of indignation and the same pain. It makes me happy to know that Enrique has been multiplied in so many places." (cited in the Peruvian magazine, bajo la lupa)

Now, before we begin with the discussion, I encourage you to visit the website for 'Justice Without Borders', Amnesty International's latest documentary on international justice that recounts the history of the Fujimori case. There, you will meet the family members--including Gisela--and will be able to form a solid base of understanding for what we will discuss in the coming weeks. Tomorrow, I will expand on some of the themes mentioned in the film and provide you with updates from my first two days at the trial.

Hasta entonces,

Hayden Gore

¿Qué tal, Aliados? Reciban un cordial saludo desde Lima, Perú donde estoy asistiendo el juicio al ex-dictador peruano Alberto Fujimori como observador internacional. Por si desconocen lo histórico del caso, Fujimori, quien gobernó el país durante los 90, enfrenta cargos de violaciones de derechos humanos relacionados con las masacres horrorosas de Barrios Altos y La Cantuta y las toruras que se llevaron a cabo en los sótanos del Servicio de Inteligencia del Ejército (SIE). Si el tribunal falla en su contra, Fujimori puede ser sentenciado a una condena de 30 años de prisión.

A través de este blog, espero conectarlos directamente al juicio y ponerlos en la sala conmigo. En las próximas semanas, les proporcionaré información acerca de los casos por los cuales Fujimori está sometido a juicio, describiré la violencia política que el ex-mandatorio desató durante su mando y, por supuesto, les contaré todo lo sucedido a diario en la Sala Penal Especial de la Cort Constitucional donde Fujimori está siendo juzgado.

Espero que este blog sirva como un foro público donde podemos discutir estos temas tan importantes y los invito a compartirme sus comentarios, sus opiniones y sus preguntas sobre lo expresado en esta pagina. También si quieren pasar un mensaje solidario a los familiares de las víctimas que han luchado incansablemente por la justicia, estoy dispuesto de facilitar este intercambio. A final de cuentas, es la solidaridad en muchos casos que les ha alentado a seguir adelante, como demuestra la siguiente cita por Gisela Ortiz, cuyo hermano Enrique fue desaparecido en la masacre de la Cantuta:

"Pese a haber perdido a mi hermano, he podido encontrar a otros hermanos en muchas gentes que sienten lo que yo siento, la misma rabia y el mismo dolor. Me alegra saber que Quique se ha multiplicado en muchas partes." (citado en la revista peruana, bajo la lupa)

Antes de que sigamos con esta conversación, les recomiendo que visiten la pagina web de 'Justice Without Borders' (Justicia Sin Fronteras), un documental de Amnestía Internacional que cuenta la historia del caso Fujimori. Ahí conocerán a los familiares--incluso a Gisela--y podrán formar una base sólida de entendimiento acerca de lo que vamos estar hablando en las siguientes semanas. Mañana trataré de profundizar algunos de los temas mencionados en la película y les daré las noticias más corrientes del juicio.

Hasta entonces, 

Hayden Gore

 

¡Hola! A few months ago, I posted a call for artists for an exhibit which Aliados is organizing along with Avenue 50 Studio in LA for International Women's Day, March 8. To update you all on the progress made, I am proud to say that we received an overwhelming response of art submissions, almost 100 in all, from artists from the U.S. and around the world! I want to personally thank all of the artists who entered their art for this show:

Abel Alejandre, Alberto Varela, Amparo Ochoa, Ana Flores, Ana Juez Asenjo, Ana Y Ajtun, Andres Montoya, Ashley McLean Emenegger, Baby Smith, Carlos Fresquez, Carlos Ruvalcaba, Carmen M. Diaz, Carol Klaassen, Carolien van der Gaag, Cesar Conde, Chick Curtis, Chris Granillo, Cristina Chanteloup, Dalibor Polivka, David Taveras, Deborah Krall, Edward Walton Wilcox, Elizabeth Medrano, Ester A. Petschar, Eugenia Reyes, Eve Chang, Fana Babadayo, Fernanda Yeste Gómez, Guillermo Bejarano, Heather Scholl, Irene Mala, Jacqueline Dreager, Jaime Coffey Bateman, Jing Zhou, John Paul Thornton, John Tapia Urquiza, Jorge Velasquez, Jose Lozano, Judith Duran, Juliane Backmann, Karen Ter-Sarkisian, Karen Winters, Kathleen McGuinness, Laila Espinoza, Lea Wells, Lili Bernard, Linda Vallejo, Lyn Southworth, Magda Bowen, Manolo Jurdao, Marco Mejia, Maria Brunner Ventura, Marie Fouche, Marilyn La Grone-Amaral, Mark Vallen, Mary Agnes Rodriguez, Mary Jacobson, Matt deHaven, Mayra Jimenez, Mehri Fatemeh Dadgar, Melanie Stimmell, Michele Castagnetti, Miguel Murillo, Ming Yi Chou, Mita Cuaron, Monica Valencia, Nancy Caldera, Pablo Damas, Pablo F. Pujol, Paco Conti, Patricia Krebs, Paula Baqueiro, Phyllis Ginter, Rafael M. Prada, Rebecca Lowry, Rinat Etshak, Rocío Arregui Pradas, Ronald Castillo, Ronald J. Llanos, Sam Saghatelyan, Sheila Baird, Sophia Louisa Lee, Steven Fujimoto, Steven J. Brooks, Sugey Salazar, Sunil Gangadharan, Suzanne Siegel, Tania America Garcia, Teresa Lafita, Tom Ford, Toti O'Brien, Uwi Moore, Vildan Isik, Xavier Montes, Yasmin A. Sayyed, Zuno.

The purpose of this exhibition is to celebrate women, to create awareness of Amnesty International's Stop Violence Against Women campaign, and to inspire the idea of "artivism" (activism through art). Hope to see many of you Aliados there!

Avenue 50 Studio

131 North Avenue 50, Los Angeles, CA 90042

Exhibition dates:  March 8 - April 6, 2008

Opening reception: Saturday, March 8, 2008 at 7:00 pm

Aliados & Artist discussion: Thursday, March 13, 2008 at 7:00 pm

Avenue 50 Studio hours: Tue-Thurs 10:00-12:00; Sat-Sun 10:00-4:00 or by appointment

Help End the killings of Women in Guatemala

At 9:30pm on July 2005 in front of several witness, four men forced Christina Hernandez a 20 year old university student into a car outside of her home.  Police Authorities did not begin there search until 24 hours after her abduction, because "many young girls run off with boyfriends."  The next day Christina was found dead, shot four times and bitten all over her body.  Nearly one year later despite witnesses, leads and a potential suspect, the authorities have dismissed her abduction, torture and death. 

Christina's case is typical of the more than 3,000 women and girls who have been killed in Guatemala since 2000.  The Guatemalan government has failed to investigate the cases and hold the assailants accountable.  Aliados con Amnesty International and its coalition partner Guatemala Human Rights Commission is calling on all US Senators to cosponsor Senate Resolution 178, condemning the killings of women and girls and urging the Guatemalan government to investigate the cases, bring the perpetrators to justice, and prevent future violence against women. 

It is time to act now! The resolution will be going to the senate floor in the next week.  It is time to take action now and make a difference in the lives of Guatemalan women.

If you would like to take action directly online please follow the link to our coalition's partner site and enter your information.  However, if you are interested in drafting your own letter you will find an attached sample letter simply send the letter to your US senator. 

When women and men stand together to raise awareness of violence against women, then no woman has to stand for abuse alone.  Make a difference in the life of women in Guatemala. 

Coalition Partner's link to take ACTION NOW!

http://salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/2690/t/3778/campaign.jsp?camp

Letter_to_Senator.doc

Find your US Senator

http://www.senate.gov/